Indeed, it has been proposed that sonority is a phonological property of sounds, with their acoustic intensity being the most reliable correlate (e.g., Parker, 2017). Clements (1990, 2006), for example, emphasizes the elusive phonetic correlates in sonority, while Parker (2008) considers that phonological sonority has concrete, quantifiable physical and perceptual properties. Beyond the question of whether sonority is a formally grounded linguistic constraint (i.e., an innate linguistic primitive) or a functionally grounded linguistic constraint derived from speakers’ linguistic experience of the acoustic-phonetic properties of sounds (e.g., Parker, 2017), sonority has different descriptions. However, sonority remains a controversial linguistic concept, whose nature and origin are a matter of debate (e.g., Clements, 1990, 2006 Ladefoged, 2001 Hayes and Steriade, 2004 Parker, 2008, 2017).
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Consonants are ranked from high-sonority phonemes (i.e., from liquid to nasal – labeled sonorant –) to low-sonority phonemes (i.e., from fricative to occlusive – labeled obstruent – see Figure 1) 1. Sonority can be envisaged as a universal, formal, scalar, feature-like phonological element that categorizes all speech sounds into a hierarchical acoustic-phonetic scale. More specifically, our question specifically raises the question of whether sonority-based markedness affects and constrains segmentation strategies in the absence or quasi-absence of statistical – distributional – information in visual letter detection. But how French beginning readers perceive and segment syllable boundaries they have never read, never heard, or not learnt yet? To address this issue, we focused on sonority-based linguistic principles that rule the well-formedness and distinctiveness of phonological sequences (see de Lacy, 2006). By contrast, some coda-onset clusters likewise (i.e., CC) tend to be systematically avoided or underrepresented across syllable boundaries (e.g., /bd/ e.g., Murray and Vennemann, 1983 Vennemann, 1988). For instance, Consonant-Vowel structures – CV henceforth – are overrepresented across the world’s languages (e.g., Hyman, 2008). In this short-term longitudinal study, not only we confirmed that syllable segmentation abilities develop with reading experience and level but the Condition × Sonority interaction revealed for the first time that syllable segmentation in reading may be modulated by phonological sonority-based markedness in the absence or quasi-absence of statistical information, in particular within syllable boundaries this sensitivity is present at an early age and does not depend on reading level and sonority-unrelated features.Ĭross-linguistic evidence indicates that there are regularities across languages. Forty-eight French typically developing children were tested in April (T1), October (T2) and April (T3 20 children labeled as “good” readers, M chronological age at T1 = 81.5 ± 4.0 20 children labeled as “poor” readers, M chronological age at T1 = 80.9 ± 3.4). More specifically, are children sensitive to a universal phonological sonority-based markedness continuum within the syllable boundaries for segmentation (e.g., from marked, illegal intervocalic clusters, “ jr,” to unmarked, legal intervocalic clusters, “ rj”), and how does this sensitivity progress with reading acquisition? To answer these questions, we used the classical illusory conjunction (IC) paradigm. Indeed, sonority – a universal phonological element – might be a reliable source for syllable segmentation.
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